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Marking two years after that mass murder of the events of October 7th, an event that profoundly impacted world Jewry unlike anything else following the creation of the state of Israel.

Among Jewish people the event proved shocking. For the Israeli government, it was a significant embarrassment. The whole Zionist project rested on the assumption which held that Israel would prevent things like this repeating.

Military action was inevitable. But the response undertaken by Israel – the widespread destruction of the Gaza Strip, the killing and maiming of many thousands non-combatants – was a choice. This particular approach created complexity in how many Jewish Americans understood the initial assault that precipitated the response, and currently challenges their commemoration of that date. In what way can people honor and reflect on a horrific event targeting their community in the midst of devastation being inflicted upon other individuals connected to their community?

The Challenge of Remembrance

The complexity surrounding remembrance stems from the circumstance where no agreement exists as to the significance of these events. Indeed, within US Jewish circles, this two-year period have seen the collapse of a half-century-old agreement about the Zionist movement.

The beginnings of Zionist agreement within US Jewish communities dates back to writings from 1915 authored by an attorney who would later become high court jurist Justice Brandeis titled “The Jewish Problem; Finding Solutions”. Yet the unity really takes hold following the six-day war in 1967. Previously, Jewish Americans housed a fragile but stable cohabitation among different factions which maintained a range of views about the necessity for a Jewish nation – Zionists, non-Zionists and anti-Zionists.

Historical Context

This parallel existence continued through the mid-twentieth century, through surviving aspects of Jewish socialism, in the non-Zionist US Jewish group, within the critical American Council for Judaism and comparable entities. For Louis Finkelstein, the head of the theological institution, the Zionist movement was primarily theological instead of governmental, and he prohibited performance of Israel's anthem, the national song, during seminary ceremonies during that period. Additionally, Zionism and pro-Israelism the centerpiece within modern Orthodox Judaism prior to the six-day war. Different Jewish identity models existed alongside.

But after Israel defeated adjacent nations in the six-day war that year, taking control of areas such as the West Bank, Gaza, Golan Heights and Jerusalem's eastern sector, US Jewish perspective on the nation underwent significant transformation. Israel’s victory, coupled with longstanding fears of a “second Holocaust”, resulted in a developing perspective about the nation's critical importance for Jewish communities, and a source of pride for its strength. Rhetoric concerning the “miraculous” quality of the success and the “liberation” of land provided Zionism a spiritual, potentially salvific, importance. In that triumphant era, much of existing hesitation toward Israel dissipated. During the seventies, Writer Norman Podhoretz stated: “Everyone supports Zionism today.”

The Unity and Restrictions

The unified position excluded Haredi Jews – who generally maintained a nation should only be ushered in by a traditional rendering of redemption – yet included Reform Judaism, Conservative, Modern Orthodox and nearly all unaffiliated individuals. The predominant version of the unified position, what became known as liberal Zionism, was founded on a belief regarding Israel as a progressive and liberal – while majority-Jewish – nation. Numerous US Jews saw the control of Arab, Syrian and Egyptian lands following the war as provisional, assuming that a resolution was forthcoming that would guarantee a Jewish majority within Israel's original borders and regional acceptance of the nation.

Multiple generations of American Jews grew up with Zionism a core part of their Jewish identity. Israel became a key component of Jewish education. Israel’s Independence Day became a Jewish holiday. Israeli flags were displayed in most synagogues. Summer camps integrated with Israeli songs and the study of contemporary Hebrew, with Israeli guests educating US young people Israeli customs. Trips to the nation expanded and peaked through Birthright programs during that year, offering complimentary travel to the nation became available to Jewish young adults. Israel permeated almost the entirety of the American Jewish experience.

Evolving Situation

Ironically, in these decades post-1967, US Jewish communities grew skilled at religious pluralism. Tolerance and dialogue among different Jewish movements grew.

Yet concerning Zionism and Israel – that represented pluralism ended. You could be a rightwing Zionist or a progressive supporter, however endorsement of the nation as a Jewish homeland remained unquestioned, and questioning that position positioned you outside mainstream views – outside the community, as a Jewish periodical described it in writing recently.

However currently, under the weight of the devastation within Gaza, food shortages, young victims and frustration regarding the refusal by numerous Jewish individuals who avoid admitting their responsibility, that agreement has broken down. The liberal Zionist “center” {has lost|no longer